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Fragment of a Phrygian Stele-Door

Fragment of a Phrygian Stele-Door

3D Image

Fragment of a stele-door, Middle of the 3rd century CE, Acmonia (Phrygia), western flank of the hill, Marble, Musée d'Art et d'Histoire (Musée du Cinquantenanire, Brussels, Belgium). Made with CapturingReality.

The remains of the frame of a tomb door with three crowns, Their presence is explained by the inscription. The owner of the tomb began his career with the archives and treasury of the state, was crowned agoranome and strategist by the council and the people (as indicated by the separate Brussels fragment). Lastly, the gerontia, the college of old men, awarded a crown to the deceased, for having built, beside the market of which he was formerly responsible, the public weighing site and bureau of weights and measures.

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Seikilos epitaph

The Seikilos epitaph is the oldest surviving complete musical composition, including musical notation, from anywhere in the world. The epitaph has been variously dated, but seems to be either from the 1st or the 2nd century CE. The song, the melody of which is recorded, alongside its lyrics, in the ancient Greek musical notation, was found engraved on a tombstone (a stele) from the Hellenistic town Tralles near present-day Aydın, Turkey, not far from Ephesus. It is a Hellenistic Ionic song in either the Phrygian octave species or Iastian tonos. While older music with notation exists (for example the Hurrian songs), all of it is in fragments the Seikilos epitaph is unique in that it is a complete, though short, composition. [1]


OI in Life Magazine

Google's new collection of scanned images from the Life Magazine collection includes some Oriental Institute related material.



TIME cover 12-14-1931 ill. of leading American Egyptologist James H. Breasted.


"The sixth grade class making their annual visit to the Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago to establish a first hand feeling for life in ancient Middle East."


"Students and instructors standing around ancient relief sculpture of a pair of eunuchs in the Oriental Institute's Assyrian room."


"Egyptologist Dr. Charles F. Nims (C) lecturing students at the temple of Amen at Karnak."


"Egyptologist Dr. Charles F. Nims (C) lecturing to students at temple of Amen-Ra in Thebes."



"Egyptologist Dr. Charles F. Nims lecturing students at the temple of Amen at Karnak."



"Dr. Charles F. Nims lectuing students of Int'l School of America at Ave. of Ram-Headed sphinxes near temple of Amen-Ra."


The Phrygian Cap

A marble head from Gordion (Inv. #7131-S-74) depicts a Persian wearing a Phrygian cap. The Panama-Pacific International Exposition (1915) silver halfdollar included a figure of Columbia wearing a Phrygian-style cap.

One of the ways in which Phrygians were identified in antiquity was through a soft conical cap with the top pulled forward. This headgear, generally called the Phrygian cap, gradually became an identifying feature of any group of people from the Near East or Central Asia in antiquity. As a result, it was worn by characters as diverse as the Trojans, Persians, Scythians, and Amazons, among others, as well as gods such as Mithras, a favorite of Roman soldiers, and Attis, the consort of the Anatolian mother goddess Cybele.

During the Roman period, the Phrygian cap had a dual significance in that it could signal a high or low status based on its context. When it was worn by the Trojans, who had been recognized as the ancestors of the Romans, it was viewed in a positive light when it appeared on the heads of the Parthians, who lived in ancient Iran and fiercely fought the Romans in the east, the cap’s significance was negative. As a result, the Romans never placed images of Parthians and Trojans in the same area, since their common headgear meant that the Trojan founders of the Romans could be mistaken for their strongest opponents.

Another frequently used cap in ancient Rome was called the pileus this cap was also conical and served as a symbol of both freed slaves and liberty in general. The assassins of Julius Caesar, for example, struck coins showing the pileus cap between their swords, as an indication of Rome’s freedom from dictatorship. Both caps gradually disappeared from public view during the Middle Ages and, by the 18th century, the pileus had become confused with the Phrygian cap. us, the latter cap acquired a connotation of liberty, which it had never before possessed. When female personifications of revolutionary France and the United States were created in the late 18th century, the Phrygian cap was chosen for their headgear. Even as late as the 20th century, the cap continued to be used for representations of both Columbia and Liberty on U.S. coins and war posters.

C. BRIAN ROSE is Curator of The Golden Age of King Midas.


Kerkenes Special Studies 1

The excavations conducted at Kerkenes Dag, located in Yozgat Province in central Turkey, have substantially enlarged our knowledge of settlement patterns and cultural development on the Anatolian plateau during the middle of the first millennium BCE. The impressive ruins of Kerkenes have long attracted scholarly notice, and the site was briefly explored by Erich Schmidt and a team from the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago in 1928, who determined that the site was post-Bronze Age and pre-Classical. Given his strong orientation towards Hittite studies, Schmidt had no further interest in the site and so it was left untouched until 1993. Since then the investigations at Kerkenes have been sponsored by Middle Eastern Technical University in Ankara under the direction of Geoffrey Summers, ably assisted by Françoise Summers and an international team. Early years were devoted primarily to survey work, including a thorough aerial survey by balloon and a resistivity survey of the central portion of the settlement. This was an effective means of reconnaissance, given the large size of the Kerkenes settlement, whose wall circuit is over seven kilometers in length. The survey enabled the creation of an accurate map of the site and its fortification walls, and further identified an area where several large architectural structures were concentrated as the most profitable place for excavation. The investigations also determined that the site’s period of habitation was fairly brief, approximately seventy years, and that it had been thoroughly destroyed by a military action that had deliberately pulled down the defensive walls and fired the entire settled area within the walls. The material found at Kerkenes suggests a date in the seventh and sixth centuries BCE. Based on these circumstances, together with the site’s location, Summers supported the identification of the site as ancient Pteria (first proposed in 1929 by Przeworski), a strongly fortified city east of the Halys River that, according to Herodotos 1.76, was captured and destroyed by the Lydian king Croesus as part of his campaign against the Persian ruler Cyrus in the 540’s BCE. This remains the most plausible identification for the ancient site.

The chronology of the Kerkenes settlement and its location east of the Halys River placed it within the boundaries of the Median Empire, as described by Herodotos. When the METU team first started its work at Kerkenes, the expectation was that this was a Median site. The excavations, however, revealed a settlement that showed strong affinities with Phrygian culture. Excavation at the site has been concentrated in the area near the southeastern gate, termed the Cappadocia Gate by the excavators, and among the material found there was an architectural complex with a large building in the typical plan of a Phrygian megaron, inscriptions in the Phrygian language, and an aniconic cult idol within the Cappadocia Gate that has a rectangular body and disc-shaped head, a close match for the many cult idols found in the Phrygian Highlands and elsewhere in Phrygia. While the portion of the ancient city that has been uncovered remains small, further excavations have confirmed the Phrygian character of the site, revealing a monumental entrance complex and courtyard adjacent to the megaron and extensive examples of bronzes and stone sculpture that display strong affinities with Phrygian style and subject matter. Thus it appears that Kerkenes was an outpost of Phrygian settlement within Median controlled territory, and that it retained its cultural identity, and perhaps also its political independence, after the rest of Phrygia west of the Halys River had come under Lydian control. Given that most of our information about Phrygian architecture and urbanism before this time had come from Gordion, the discovery of a new monumental Phrygian city is very exciting. Indeed, the excavations at Kerkenes have forced scholars to rethink the cultural landscape of central Anatolia during the mid-first millennium BCE, the critical period of the formation of the Achaemenian Empire. Throughout, the excavations have been conducted with great care and annual reports have been promptly published in the Kerkenes News, in several publications on Anatolian archaeology, and on the Kerkenes web site. Many of these reports, however, have not received as wide circulation as they deserve, and so the present volume, published under the auspices of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, draws welcome attention to this important project.

The volume publishes a particularly noteworthy group of finds from Kerkenes, a series of sculptures, architectural members, and an inscription found in the monumental entrance complex to the large megaron. Excavated between 2003 and 2005, this complex comprised a broad paved street that passed through two flanking stone platforms and led to the large megaron, plausibly identified as a palace. In the vicinity of the street and platforms were found the remains of a life-size sculpture depicting a human figure, a rectangular stone block that was decorated with sculptural relief and bore a Phrygian inscription along its edges, and other sculptural fragments including part of a lion and the legs and talons of a bird of prey. All of the pieces were badly damaged: all had been broken, probably deliberately smashed and scattered at the time of the site’s destruction, and all showed significant traces of the fire that destroyed the settlement. The recovery and reconstruction of the sculptural fragments were clearly tasks that demanded great care and thoughtful analysis, and the authors of the volume, Catherine Draycott and Geoffrey Summers, are to be commended for the attention to detail that they brought to this undertaking.

The volume begins with a discussion of the location and geography of the site and an overview of the history of the Iron Age city, including a description of the megaron complex, termed the palatial complex by the authors, where the sculptural fragments were found, and the circumstances of its destruction. This is followed by the catalogue entries for the sculptural fragments, ten pieces in all, written by Catherine Draycott, and the catalogue entries for two architectural elements, written by Geoffrey Summers. Both sections use the same order of presentation, giving a catalogue entry with a careful description of each piece, including detailed discussions of the potential reconstruction of the work, its meaning, and relevant comparanda. Next is a general discussion of the meaning of the sculpture and architectural elements, their function and chronology, their place in Phrygian art and architecture, and their relationship to neighboring cultures. A comprehensive discussion by Claude Brixhe of the Phrygian inscription concludes the text. The plates provide a black and white photograph of every piece, along with drawings of suggested reconstructions and visual comparanda. At the end is a series of color photographs of several of the sculptural pieces and of one part of the stone inscription.

The major interest of the material presented here lies in the publication of the sculptures found in the area of the monumental entrance. The principal piece of sculpture is a near life-size statue of a standing male figure wearing a long gown and holding a rod or staff in the right hand. This is an important and unique find very little life-size sculpture of any kind is known from Phrygia, and almost all extant examples of anthropomorphic sculpture depict a female figure, usually the Phrygian Mother goddess, the Greek and Roman Kybele. The precise identity of this male figure remains uncertain, but the piece is likely to have been a representation of a ruler or cult figure, perhaps a deified heroic ancestor. Another key find is a series of pieces belonging to a rectangular stone block that contained relief sculpture on its principal face. The relief sculpture is preserved in many small fragments and so its reconstruction is tentative, but a likely restoration presents two antithetical composite figures with human bodies and griffin heads, which stand and face each other beneath a winged sun. Both the sculpted male and the relief have numerous parallels with sculptures and reliefs from urban centers in southeastern Anatolia and northern Syria and Iraq, the so-called Neo-Hittite kingdoms, and these parallels are thoroughly explored by Draycott. Additionally, two architectural fragments, a stepped base and a series of stone bolsters discussed by Geoffrey Summers, probably also belonged to the same installation. The whole is presented in a suggested restoration comprising a stepped base, on which stood the inscribed stone block with the sculpted panel in the center, surmounted by the statue of the standing male figure. Draycott’s discussion places the Kerkenes pieces in the context of Phrygian art and its relationship to the Neo-Hittite iconographic tradition, where the practice of representing dominant male figures and relief sculptures near the gates or entrances to a city was well established.

The final section, by Claude Brixhe, discusses the Phrygian inscription that was incised onto the raised edges of the large rectangular stone block. This is a summary of an earlier publication by Brixhe and Geoffrey Summers that appeared in Kadmos in 2006. Brixhe plausibly restores the inscription as a dedication by several individuals named within the text, presumably those who were responsible for erecting the monument. The inscription adds another example to the limited corpus of datable Phrygian inscriptions.

I noted a few minor points that I would disagree with. In discussing parallels for the costume of the statue of the male figure, Draycott states that the ribbed skirt of Kybele is usually shown with the hem drawn up and tucked into the belt. It is the veil of the goddess, however, that is drawn up and tucked into her belt, not her skirt, which always hangs straight down. In fact, the lack of a veil on the Kerkenes figure is a point that strengthens the figure’s identity as a male. In the discussion of sculptural parallels, I would prefer to call the principal Phrygian goddess by her Phrygian name, Matar, or Mother. The term Kybele is a Greek name, one that was derived from one of the epithets of the Phrygian Mother but was never used as her name in Phrygia. But these are comparatively minor quibbles that do not detract from the overall quality of the publication. In general, the text is well written and free of errors, and the photographs are superb, especially the color photographs, which must be somewhat of a luxury in these times. The careful discussion and prompt publication of this important group of finds sets a high standard for the Kerkenes Project. We look forward to future presentations of material from this fascinating site.


Textile Fragment

This shield is believed to have been part of an orphrey band. These were decorative bands, either embroidered or woven, that were applied to decorate vestments, sometimes concealing seams. They often include gold thread and are thought to take their name from auriphrygia or Phrygian gold. Wider bands (which would have gone down the centre back and front) often included religious scenes, while narrower ones, such as the ones from which this object came, tended to feature smaller decorative motifs, including heraldic shields. The shield motif on the object would have alternated with another device on the rest of the band, possibly another shield or a different design.

Shields could signify that an object was linked to a specific family. The family associated with this shield is not currently known. In the context of vestments, the shield might indicate who had commissioned the garments for the church. However, they could also serve a purely decorative purpose.

  • Including backing fabric height: 31cm
  • Including backing fabric width: 29cm
  • Excluding backing fabric height: 12cm
  • Excluding backing fabric width: 10cm

From the Forrer Collection. According to notes made in accession register, this is one of 203 early textiles acquired for £700 in 1899.

Dr. Robert Forrer of Strasburg corresponded frequently with the V&A between 1893 and 1920, offering for sale a wide variety of medieval and Renaissance artefacts, mostly European, including textiles, jewellery, medallions, books, tiles, clocks, furniture, ironwork and miscellaneous items. Many of these items, although not all, were subsequently purchased by the Museum.

Historical significance: Example of 15th century German weaving made for a specific purpose (religious vestment).

This shield is believed to have been part of an orphrey band. These were decorative bands, either embroidered or woven, that were applied to decorate vestments, sometimes concealing seams (Johnstone, p. 13). They often include gold thread and are thought to take their name from auriphrygia or Phrygian gold (Mayo, p. 161).Wider bands (which would have gone down the centre back and front) often included religious scenes, (e.g. T.31-1936), while narrower ones, such as the ones from which this object probably came, tended to feature smaller decorative motifs, including, as here, heraldic shields. The shield motif on the object would have alternated with another device on the rest of the band, possibly another shield or a different design, as illustrated by two other fragments from a German band in the Museum's collection. 7021-1860 has alternating shields, while 8281-1863 has fleur-de-lys alternating with shields.

The colour scheme of this object is very like that in 853-1899, also a German orphrey fragment showing a woven roundel in red, blue, and white upon a golden-yellow background. The wider measurement of 853-1899 indicates it is not from the same band as the object, but the strikingly similar colour scheme suggests a close geographic relationship, and indeed, they did come from the same collector, and are both attributed to Köln manufacture.

The family associated with the shield is not currently known. Shields could signify that an object was linked to a specific family, indicating who had commissioned the vestments. However, they could also serve a purely decorative purpose, as indicated by T.40-1950. This is an English ecclesiastical stole, dating to about 1300, embroidered with 46 different shields. According to the label shown with the stole during its display in room 95, “heraldic shields were often used purely as decoration for narrow bands or edging”. This label was probably written by Linda Woolley in around 2002, when she curated the re-display of gallery 95.

Pauline Johnstone. High Fashion in the Church. Leeds: Maney, 2002.

Janet Mayo. A History of Ecclesiastical Dress. London: Batsford, 1984.

This shield is believed to have been part of an orphrey band. These were decorative bands, either embroidered or woven, that were applied to decorate vestments, sometimes concealing seams. They often include gold thread and are thought to take their name from auriphrygia or Phrygian gold. Wider bands (which would have gone down the centre back and front) often included religious scenes, while narrower ones, such as the ones from which this object came, tended to feature smaller decorative motifs, including heraldic shields. The shield motif on the object would have alternated with another device on the rest of the band, possibly another shield or a different design.

Shields could signify that an object was linked to a specific family. The family associated with this shield is not currently known. In the context of vestments, the shield might indicate who had commissioned the garments for the church. However, they could also serve a purely decorative purpose.


Introduction

The “Naupactus epic” ( Naupaktia or Naupaktika ), although regularly cited by its title alone, or with the phrase “the author of the Naupaktika, ” is not wholly anonymous, as Pausanias tells us that Charon of Lampsacus, an author of about 400 bc , ascribed it to a Naupactian named Carcinus, whereas most people credited it to a Milesian. He implies that the title was not accounted for by any particular concentration on Naupactian matters. That being so, the title would imply a poem that was current in the Naupactus area or believed to originate from there. 44

Pausanias describes it as being “on women,” which suggests a structure similar to that of the Hesiodic Ehoiai , with a succession of genealogies taking their starting point from various heroines. But it contained at least one ample narrative of the heroic type: the story of the Argonauts. More than half of the fragments come from the scholia to Apollonius Rhodius, which contrast details of Apollonius’ narrative with that of the older poem. It is a sign of Naupactian interest in the northwest that Jason was represented as migrating to Corcyra after the death of Pelias (fr. 9). This was no doubt the Corcyraean legend of the time, as was the affiliation to Jason of the Epirotic figure Mermerus. 45

The Phoronis told of Phoroneus, the first man in Argive myth, and his descendants. The Argive focus is clear in fr. 4, less so in other fragments, such as those on the Phrygian


Archilochus , Fragments

ἢ . . . ἀντὶ τοῦ διασείουσι τὰς πτέρυγας ὑποστρέψαντες· διακινοῦσι δὲ τὰς πτέρυγας ἤτοι ὑφ᾿ ἡδονῆς, τὴν κοίτην καταλαβόντες, ἢ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος διατινάσσοντες ἰκμάδα. καὶ παρ᾿ Ἀρχιλόχῳ ἡ ὑφ᾿ ἡδονῆς σαλευομένη †κορώνη ὥσπερ

κηρύλος πέτρης ἐπὶ προβλῆτος ἀπτερύσσετο

ὥσπερ: ὥστε Wilamowitz, ὡς Edmonds

τὸν δὲ κρίθινον οἶνον καὶ βρῦτόν τινες καλοῦσιν, ὡς Σοφοκλῆς ἐν Τριπτολέμῳ (fr. 610 Radt) “βρῦτον δὲ χερσαῖον †οὐ δυεῖν†,” καὶ Ἀρχίλοχος·

ὥσπερ αὐλῷ βρῦτον ἢ Θρέϊξ ἀνὴρ ἢ Φρὺξ ἔμυζε· κύβδα δ᾿ ἦν πονεομένη.

ἡ δέ οἱ σάθη ×–⏒ –× ὥστ᾿ ὄνου Πριηνέως κήλωνος ἐπλήμυρεν ὀτρυγηφάγου.

41 Scholiast on Aratus, Phaenomena

or . . . by the word ἀπτερύονται is meant that they flap their wings upon their return. They flap their wings either from pleasure at reaching their nest or because they are shaking off moisture from the air. And in Archilochus the crow 1 bouncing around from pleasure like

a kingfisher flapped its wings on a protruding rock

42 Athenaeus, Scholars at Dinner

Some call barley wine βρῦτον, as Sophocles in Triptolemus , “beer of the mainland . . .,” and Archilochus:

she was sucking like a Thracian or Phrygian sucking beer through a tube, and she was bent over working hard 1

43 his prick . . . swelled like that of a Prienian grain–fed breeding ass 1


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Fragment of a Phrygian Stele-Door - History

2. A certain one of these, in the beginning of his work against them, [1571] first intimates that he had contended with them in oral controversies.

3. He commences his work in this manner: [1572]

"Having for a very long and sufficient time, O beloved Avircius Marcellus, [1573] been urged by you to write a treatise against the heresy of those who are called after Miltiades, [1574] I have hesitated till the present time, not through lack of ability to refute the falsehood or bear testimony for the truth, but from fear and apprehension that I might seem to some to be making additions to the doctrines or precepts of the Gospel of the New Testament, which it is impossible for one who has chosen to live according to the Gospel, either to increase or to diminish.

4. But being recently in Ancyra [1575] in Galatia, I found the church there [1576] greatly agitated by this novelty, not prophecy, as they call it, but rather false prophecy, as will be shown. Therefore, to the best of our ability, with the Lord's help, we disputed in the church many days concerning these and other matters separately brought forward by them, so that the church rejoiced and was strengthened in the truth, and those of the opposite side were for the time confounded, and the adversaries were grieved.

5. The presbyters in the place, our fellow-presbyter Zoticus [1577] of Otrous also being present, requested us to leave a record of what had been said against the opposers of the truth. We did not do this, but we promised to write it out as soon as the Lord permitted us, and to send it to them speedily."

6. Having said this with other things, in the beginning of his work, he proceeds to state the cause of the above-mentioned heresy as follows:

"Their opposition and their recent heresy which has separated them from the Church arose on the following account.

7. There is said to be a certain village called Ardabau in that part of Mysia, which borders upon Phrygia. [1578] There first, they say, when Gratus was proconsul of Asia, [1579] a recent convert, Montanus by name, through his unquenchable desire for leadership, [1580] gave the adversary opportunity against him. And he became beside himself, and being suddenly in a sort of frenzy and ecstasy, he raved, and began to babble and utter strange things, prophesying in a manner contrary to the constant custom of the Church handed down by tradition from the beginning. [1581]

8. Some of those who heard his spurious utterances at that time were indignant, and they rebuked him as one that was possessed, and that was under the control of a demon, and was led by a deceitful spirit, and was distracting the multitude and they forbade him to talk, remembering the distinction [1582] drawn by the Lord and his warning to guard watchfully against the coming of false prophets. [1583] But others imagining themselves possessed of the Holy Spirit and of a prophetic gift, [1584] were elated and not a little puffed up and forgetting the distinction of the Lord, they challenged the mad and insidious and seducing spirit, and were cheated and deceived by him. In consequence of this, he could no longer be held in check, so as to keep silence.

9. Thus by artifice, or rather by such a system of wicked craft, the devil, devising destruction for the disobedient, and being unworthily honored by them, secretly excited and inflamed their understandings which had already become estranged from the true faith. And he stirred up besides two women, [1585] and filled them with the false spirit, so that they talked wildly and unreasonably and strangely, like the person already mentioned. [1586] And the spirit pronounced them blessed as they rejoiced and gloried in him, and puffed them up by the magnitude of his promises. But sometimes he rebuked them openly in a wise and faithful manner, that he might seem to be a reprover. But those of the Phrygians that were deceived were few in number.

"And the arrogant spirit taught them to revile the entire universal Church under heaven, because the spirit of false prophecy received neither honor from it nor entrance into it.

10. For the faithful in Asia met often in many places throughout Asia to consider this matter, [1587] and examined the novel utterances and pronounced them profane, and rejected the heresy, and thus these persons were expelled from the Church and debarred from communion."

11. Having related these things at the outset, and continued the refutation of their delusion through his entire work, in the second book he speaks as follows of their end:

12. "Since, therefore, they called us slayers of the prophets [1588] because we did not receive their loquacious prophets, who, they say, are those that the Lord promised to send to the people, [1589] let them answer as in God's presence: Who is there, O friends, of these who began to talk, from Montanus and the women down, that was persecuted by the Jews, or slain by lawless men? None. Or has any of them been seized and crucified for the Name? Truly not. Or has one of these women ever been scourged in the synagogues of the Jews, or stoned? No never anywhere. [1590]

13. But by another kind of death Montanus and Maximilla are said to have died. For the report is that, incited by the spirit of frenzy, they both hung themselves [1591] not at the same time, but at the time which common report gives for the death of each. And thus they died, and ended their lives like the traitor Judas.

14. So also, as general report says, that remarkable person, the first steward, [1592] as it were, of their so-called prophecy, one Theodotus -- who, as if at sometime taken up and received into heaven, fell into trances, and entrusted himself to the deceitful spirit -- was pitched like a quoit, and died miserably. [1593]

15. They say that these things happened in this manner. But as we did not see them, O friend, we do not pretend to know. Perhaps in such a manner, perhaps not, Montanus and Theodotus and the above-mentioned woman died."

16. He says again in the same book that the holy bishops of that time attempted to refute the spirit in Maximilla, but were prevented by others who plainly co-operated with the spirit.

"And let not the spirit, in the same work of Asterius Urbanus, [1594] say through Maximilla, I am driven away from the sheep like a wolf. [1595] I am not a wolf. I am word and spirit and power.' But let him show clearly and prove the power in the spirit. And by the spirit let him compel those to confess him who were then present for the purpose of proving and reasoning with the talkative spirit, -- those eminent men and bishops, Zoticus, [1596] from the village Comana, and Julian, [1597] from Apamea, whose mouths the followers of Themiso [1598] muzzled, refusing to permit the false and seductive spirit to be refuted by them."

18. Again in the same work, after saying other things in refutation of the false prophecies of Maximilla, he indicates the time when he wrote these accounts, and mentions her predictions in which she prophesied wars and anarchy. Their falsehood he censures in the following manner:

19. "And has not this been shown clearly to be false? For it is to-day more than thirteen years since the woman died, and there has been neither a partial nor general war in the world but rather, through the mercy of God, continued peace even to the Christians." [1599] These things are taken from the second book.

20. I will add also short extracts from the third book, in which he speaks thus against their boasts that many of them had suffered martyrdom:

"When therefore they are at a loss, being refuted in all that they say, they try to take refuge in their martyrs, alleging that they have many martyrs, and that this is sure evidence of the power of the so-called prophetic spirit that is with them. But this, as it appears, is entirely fallacious. [1600]

21. For some of the heresies have a great many martyrs but surely we shall not on that account agree with them or confess that they hold the truth. And first, indeed, those called Marcionites, from the heresy of Marcion, say that they have a multitude of martyrs for Christ yet they do not confess Christ himself in truth."

A little farther on he continues:

22. "When those called to martyrdom from the Church for the truth of the faith have met with any of the so-called martyrs of the Phrygian heresy, they have separated from them, and died without any fellowship with them, [1601] because they did not wish to give their assent to the spirit of Montanus and the women. And that this is true and took place in our own time in Apamea on the Mæander, [1602] among those who suffered martyrdom with Gaius and Alexander of Eumenia, is well known." Footnotes:

[1568] Montanism must not be looked upon as a heresy in the ordinary sense of the term. The movement lay in the sphere of life and discipline rather than in that of theology. Its fundamental proposition was the continuance of divine revelation which was begun under the old Dispensation, was carried on in the time of Christ and his apostles, and reached its highest development under the dispensation of the Paraclete, which opened with the activity of Montanus. This Montanus was a Phrygian, who, in the latter part of the second century, began to fall into states of ecstasy and to have visions, and believed himself a divinely inspired prophet, through whom the promised Paraclete spoke, and with whom therefore the dispensation of that Paraclete began. Two noble ladies (Priscilla and Maximilla) attached themselves to Montanus, and had visions and prophesied in the same way. These constituted the three original prophets of the sect, and all that they taught was claimed to be of binding authority on all. They were quite orthodox, accepted fully the doctrinal teachings of the Catholic Church, and did not pretend to alter in any way the revelation given by Christ and his apostles. But they claimed that some things had not been revealed by them, because at that early stage the Church was not able to bear them but that such additional revelations were now given, because the fullness of time had come which was to precede the second coming of Christ. These revelations had to do not at all with theology, but wholly with matters of life and discipline. They taught a rigid asceticism over against the growing worldliness of the Church, severe discipline over against its laxer methods, and finally the universal priesthood of believers (even female), and their right to perform all the functions of church officers, over against the growing sacerdotalism of the Church. They were thus in a sense reformers, or perhaps reactionaries is a better term, who wished to bring back, or to preserve against corruption, the original principles and methods of the Church. They aimed at a puritanic reaction against worldliness, and of a democratic reaction against growing aristocracy in the Church. They insisted that ministers were made by God alone, by the direct endowment of his Spirit in distinction from human ordination. They looked upon their prophets--supernaturally called and endowed by the Spirit--as supreme in the Church. They claimed that all gross offenders should be excommunicated, and that neither they nor the lax should ever be re-admitted to the Church. They encouraged celibacy, increased the number and severity of fasts, eschewed worldly amusements, &c. This rigid asceticism was enjoined by the revelation of the Spirit through their prophets, and was promoted by their belief in the speedy coming of Christ to set up his kingdom on earth, which was likewise prophesied. They were thus pre-Millenarians or Chiliasts. The movement spread rapidly in Asia Minor and in North Africa, and for a time in Rome itself. It appealed very powerfully to the sterner moralists, stricter disciplinarians, and more deeply pious minds among the Christians. All the puritanically inclined schisms of this period attracted many of the better class of Christians, and this one had the additional advantage of claiming the authority of divine revelation for its strict principles. The greatest convert was Tertullian, who, in 201 or 202, attracted by the asceticism and disciplinary rigor of the sect, attached himself to it, and remained until his death its most powerful advocate. He seems to have stood at the head of a separatist congregation of Montanists in Carthage, and yet never to have been excommunicated by the Catholic Church. Montanism made so much stir in Asia Minor that synods were called before the end of the second century to consider the matter, and finally, though not without hesitation, the whole movement was officially condemned. Later, the condemnation was ratified in Rome and also in North Africa, and Montanism gradually degenerated, and finally, after two or three centuries, entirely disappeared. But although it failed and passed away, Montanism had a marked influence on the development of the Church. In the first place, it aroused a general distrust of prophecy, and the result was that the Church soon came to the conviction that prophecy had entirely ceased. In the second place, the Church was led to see the necessity of emphasizing the historical Christ and historical Christianity over against the Montanistic claims of a constantly developing revelation, and thus to put great emphasis upon the Scripture canon. In the third place, the Church had to lay increased stress upon the organization--upon its appointed and ordained officers--over against the claims of irregular prophets who might at any time arise as organs of the Spirit. The development of Christianity into a religion of the book and of the organization was thus greatly advanced, and the line began to be sharply drawn between the age of the apostles, in which there had been direct supernatural revelations, and the later age, in which such revelations had disappeared. We are, undoubtedly, to date from this time that exalted conception of the glory of the apostolic age, and of its absolute separation from all subsequent ages, which marks so strongly the Church of succeeding centuries, and which led men to endeavor to gain apostolic authority for every advance in the constitution, in the customs, and in the doctrine of the Church. There had been little of this feeling before, but now it became universal, and it explains the great number of pseudo-apostolic works of the third and following centuries. In the fourth place, the Chiliastic ideas of Montanism produced a reaction in the Church which caused the final rejection of all grossly physical Premillenarian beliefs which up to this time had been very common. For further particulars in regard to Montanism, see the notes on this and the following chapters. Our chief sources for a knowledge of Montanism are to be found in the writings of Tertullian. See, also, Epiphanius, Hær. XLVIII. and XLIX., and Jerome's Epistle to Marcella (Migne, Ep. 41). The fragments from the anonymous anti-Montanistic writer quoted by Eusebius in this and the following chapter, and the fragments of Apollonius' work, quoted in chap. 18, are of the greatest importance. It is to be regretted that Eusebius has preserved for us no fragments of the anti-Montanistic writings of Apolinarius and Melito, who might have given us still earlier and more trustworthy accounts of the sect. It is probable that their works were not decided enough in their opposition to Montanism to suit Eusebius, who, therefore, chose to take his account from somewhat later, but certainly bitter enough antagonists. The works of the Montanists themselves (except those of Tertullian) have entirely perished, but a few "Oracles," or prophetic utterances, of Montanus, Priscilla, and Maximilla, have been preserved by Tertullian and other writers, and are printed by Bonwetsch, p. 197-200. The literature upon Montanism is very extensive. We may mention here C. W. F. Walch's Ketzerhistorie, I.-p. 611-666, A. Schwegler's Der Montanismus und die christliche Kirche des zweiten Jahrh. (Tübingen, 1841), and especially G. N. Bonwetzsch's Die Geschichte des Montanismus (Erlangen, 1881), which is the best work on the subject, and indispensable to the student. Compare, also, Schaff's Ch. Hist. II. p. 415 sq., where the literature is given with great fullness, Salmon's article in the Dict. of Christ. Biog., and especially Harnack's Dogmengeschichte, I. p. 319 sq.

[1569] ten legomenen kata Phrugas hairesin. The heresy of Montanus was commonly called the Phrygian heresy because it took its rise in Phrygia. The Latins, by a solecism, called it the Cataphrygian heresy. Its followers received other names also, e.g. Priscillianists (from the prophetess Priscilla), and Pepuziani (from Pepuza, their headquarters). They called themselves pneumatikoi (spiritual), and the adherents of the Church psuchichoi (carnal).

[1570] In Bk. IV. chaps. 21, 26 and 27, and in Bk. V. chap. 5. See especially Bk. IV. chap. 27, note 1.

[1571] The author of this work is unknown. Jerome (de vir. ill. 37) ascribes it to Rhodo (but see above, chap. 13, note 1). It is sometimes ascribed to Asterius Urbanus, mentioned by Eusebius in 17 below, but he was certainly not its author (see below, note 27). Upon the date of the work, see below, note 32.

[1572] The fragments of this anonymous work are given by Routh, Rel. Sac. Vol. II. p. 183 sqq., and in English in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VII. p. 335 sqq.

[1573] 'Aouirkie, as most of the mss. read. Others have 'Auirkie or 'Abirkie Nicephorus, 'Aberkie. The name is quite commonly written Abercius in English, and the person mentioned here is identified by many scholars (among them Lightfoot) with Abercius, a prominent bishop of Hieropolis (not Hierapolis, as was formerly supposed). A spurious Life of S. Abercius is given by Simeon Metaphrastes (in Migne's Patr. Gr. CXV. 1211 sq.), which, although of a decidedly legendary character, rests upon a groundwork of fact as proved by the discovery, in recent years of an epitaph from Abercius' tomb. This Abercius was bishop in the time of Marcus Aurelius, and therefore must have held office at least twelve or fifteen years (on the date of this anonymous treatise, see below, note 32), or, if the date given by the spurious Acts for Abercius' visit to Rome be accepted (163 a.d.), at least thirty years. On Abercius and Avercius, see the exhaustive note of Lightfoot, in his Apostolic Fathers, Part II.((Ignatius and Polycarp), Vol. I.-p. 477-485.

[1574] eis ten ton kata Milti?den legomenon hairesin. The occurrence of the name Miltiades, in this connection, is very puzzling, for we nowhere else hear of a Montanist Miltiades, while the man referred to here must have held a very prominent place among them. It is true that it is commonly supposed that the Muratorian Canon refers to some heretic Miltiades, but since Harnack's discussion of the matter (see especially his Texte und Untersuchungen, I. 1, p. 216, note) it is more than doubtful whether a Miltiades is mentioned at all in that document. In any case the prominent position given him here is surprising, and, as a consequence, Valesius (in his notes), Stroth, Zimmermann, Schwegler, Laemmer, and Heinichen substitute 'Alkibi?den (who is mentioned in chap. 3 as a prominent Montanist) for Milti?den. The mss., however, are unanimous in reading Milti?den and it is impossible to see how, if 'Alkibi?den had originally stood in the text, Milti?den could have been substituted for it. It is not impossible that instead of Alcibiades in chap. 3 we should read, as Salmon suggests, Miltiades. The occurrence of the name Alcibiades in the previous sentence might explain its substitution for Miltiades immediately afterward. It is at least easier to account for that change than for the change of Alcibiades to Miltiades in the present chapter. Were Salmon's suggestion accepted, the difficulty in this case would be obviated, for we should then have a Montanist Miltiades of sufficient prominence to justify the naming of the sect after him in some quarters. The suggestion, however, rests upon mere conjecture, and it is safer to retain the reading of our mss. in both cases. Until we get more light from some quarter we must be content to let the matter rest, leaving the reason for the use of Miltiades' name in this connection unexplained. There is, of course, nothing strange in the existence of a Montanist named Miltiades it is only the great prominence given him here which puzzles us. Upon the ecclesiastical writer, Miltiades, and Eusebius' confusion of him with Alcibiades, see chap. 17, note 1.

[1575] Ancyra was the metropolis and one of the three principal cities of Galatia. Quite an important town, Angora, now occupies its site.

[1576] kata topon, which is the reading of two of the mss. and Nicephorus, and is adopted by Burton and Heinichen. The phrase seems harsh, but occurs again in the next paragraph. The majority of the mss. read kata Ponton, which is adopted by Valesius, Schwegler, Laemmer, and Crusè. It is grammatically the easier reading, but the reference to Pontus is unnatural in this connection, and in view of the occurrence of the same phrase, kata topon, in the next paragraph, it seems best to read thus in the present case as well.

[1577] Of this Zoticus we know only what is told us here. He is to be distinguished, of course, from Zoticus of Comana, mentioned in 17, below, and in chap. 18, 13. Otrous (or Otrys, as it is sometimes written) was a small Phrygian town about two miles from Hieropolis (see W. H. Ramsay's paper, entitled Trois Villes Phrygiennes, in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, Juillet, 1882). Its bishop was present at the Council of Chalcedon, and also at the second Council of Nicæa (see Wiltsch's Geography and Statistics of the Church). We may gather from this passage that the anonymous author of this anti-Montanistic work was a presbyter (he calls Zoticus sumpresbuteros), but we have no hint of his own city, though the fact that Avircius Marcellus, to whom the work was addressed, was from Hieropolis (see note 6), and that the anonymous companion Zoticus was from Otrous, would lead us to look in that neighborhood for the home of our author, though hardly to either of those towns (the mention of the name of the town in connection with Zoticus' name would seem to shut out the latter, and the opening sentences of the treatise would seem to exclude the former).

[1578] en te kata ten Phrugian Musi& 139. It is not said here that Montanus was born in Ardabau, but it is natural to conclude that he was, and so that village is commonly given as his birthplace. As we learn from this passage, Ardabau was not in Phrygia, as is often said, but in Mysia. The boundary line between the two districts was a very indefinite one, however, and the two were often confounded by the ancients themselves but we cannot doubt in the present instance that the very exact statement of the anonymous writer is correct. Of the village of Ardabau itself we know nothing.

[1579] The exact date of the rise of Montanism cannot be determined. The reports which we have of the movement vary greatly in their chronology. We have no means of fixing the date of the proconsulship of the Gratus referred to here, and thus the most exact and reliable statement which we have does not help us. In his Chron. Eusebius fixes the rise of the movement in the year 172, and it is possible that this statement was based upon a knowledge of the time of Gratus' proconsulship. If so, it possesses considerable weight. The first notice we have of a knowledge of the movement in the West is in connection with the martyrs of Lyons, who in the year 177 (see Introd. to this book, note 3) were solicited to use their influence with the bishop of Rome in favor of the Montanists (see above, chap. 3, note 6). This goes to confirm the approximate accuracy of the date given by Eusebius, for we should expect that the movement cannot have attracted public notice in the East very many years before it was heard of in Gaul, the home of many Christians from Asia Minor. Epiphanius (Hær. XLVIII.) gives the nineteenth year of Antoninus Pius (156-157) as the date of its beginning, but Epiphanius' figures are very confused and contradictory, and little reliance can be placed upon them in this connection. At the same time Montanus must have begun his prophesying some years before his teaching spread over Asia Minor and began to agitate the churches and alarm the bishops, and therefore it is probable that Montanism had a beginning some years before the date given by Eusebius in fact, it is not impossible that Montanus may have begun his work before the end of the reign of Antoninus Pius.

[1580] Ambition was almost universally looked upon by the Church Fathers as the occasion of the various heresies and schisms. Novatian, Donatus, and many others were accused of it by their orthodox opponents. That heretics or schismatics could be actuated by high and noble motives was to them inconceivable. We are thus furnished another illustration of their utter misconception of the nature of heresy so often referred to in these notes.

[1581] The fault found by the Church with Montanus' prophecy was rather because of its form than because of its substance. It was admitted that the prophecies contained much that was true, but the soberer sense of the Church at large objected decidedly to the frenzied ecstasy in which they were delivered. That a change had come over the Church in this respect since the apostolic age is perfectly clear. In Paul's time the speaking with tongues, which involved a similar kind of ecstasy, was very common so, too, at the time the Didache was written the prophets spoke in an ecstasy (en pneumati, which can mean nothing else cf. Harnack's edition, p. 122 sq.). But the early enthusiasm of the Church had largely passed away by the middle of the second century and though there were still prophets (Justin, for instance, and even Clement of Alexandria knew of them), they were not in general characterized by the same ecstatic and frenzied utterance that marked their predecessors. To say that there were none such at this time would be rash but it is plain that they had become so decidedly the exception that the revival by the Montanists of the old method on a large scale and in its extremest form could appear to the Church at large only a decided innovation. Prophecy in itself was nothing strange to them, but prophecy in this form they were not accustomed to, and did not realize that it was but a revival of the ancient form (cf. the words of our author, who is evidently quite ignorant of that form). That they should be shocked at it is not to be wondered at, and that they should, in that age, when all such manifestations were looked upon as supernatural in their origin, regard these prophets as under the influence of Satan, is no more surprising. There was no other alternative in their minds. Either the prophecies were from God or from Satan not their content mainly, but the manner in which they were delivered aroused the suspicion of the bishops and other leaders of the Church. Add to that the fact that these prophets claimed supremacy over the constituted Church authorities, claimed that the Church must be guided by the revelations vouchsafed to women and apparently half-crazy enthusiasts and fanatics, and it will be seen at once that there was nothing left for the leaders of the Church but to condemn the movement, and pronounce its prophecy a fraud and a work of the Evil One. That all prophecy should, as a consequence, fall into discredit was natural. Clement (Strom. I. 17) gives the speaking in an ecstasy as one of the marks of a false prophet,--Montanism had evidently brought the Church to distinct consciousness on that point,--while Origen, some decades later, is no longer acquainted with prophets, and denies that they existed even in the time of Celsus (see Contra Cels. VII. 11).

[1582] i.e. between true and false prophets.

[1584] hos hagi& 251 pneumati kai prophetiko charismati

[1585] Maximilla and Priscilla, or Prisca (mentioned in chap. 14). They were married women, who left their husbands to become disciples of Montanus, were given the rank of virgins in his church, and with him were the greatest prophets of the sect. They were regarded with the most profound reverence by all Montanists, who in many quarters were called after the name of the latter, Priscillianists. It was a characteristic of the Montanists that they insisted upon the religious equality of men and women that they accorded just as high honor to the women as to the men, and listened to their prophecies with the same reverence. The human person was but an instrument of the Spirit, according to their view, and hence a woman might be chosen by the Spirit as his instrument just as well as a man, the ignorant just as well as the learned. Tertullian, for instance, cites, in support of his doctrine of the materiality of the soul, a vision seen by one of the female members of his church, whom he believed to be in the habit of receiving revelations from God (de anima, 9).

[1587] That synods should early be held to consider the subject Montanism is not at all surprising. Doubtless our author is quite correct in asserting that many such met during these years. They were probably all of them small, and only local in their character. We do not know the places or the dates of any of these synods, although the Libellus Synodicus states that one was held at Hierapolis under Apolinarius, with twenty-six bishops in attendance, and another at Anchialus under Sotas, with twelve bishops present. The authority for these synods is too late to be of much weight, and the report is just such as we should expect to have arisen upon the basis of the account of Montanism given in this chapter. It is possible, therefore, that synods were held in those two cities, but more than that cannot be said. Upon these synods, see Hefele (Conciliengesch. I. p. 83 sq.), who accepts the report of the Libellus Synodicus as trustworthy.

[1588] Cf. the complaint of Maximilla, quoted in 17, below. The words are employed, of course, only in the figurative sense to indicate the hostility of the Church toward the Montanists. The Church, of course, had at that time no power to put heretics to death, even if it had wished to do so. The first instance of the punishment of heresy by death occurred in 385, when the Spanish bishop Priscillian and six companions were executed at Trêves.

[1590] There is a flat contradiction between this passage and 21, below, where it is admitted by this same author that the Montanists have had their martyrs. The sweeping statements here, considered in the light of the admission made in the other passage, furnish us with a criterion of the trustworthiness and honesty of the reports of our anonymous author. It is plain that, in his hostility to Montanism, he has no regard whatever for the truth that his aim is to paint the heretics as black as possible, even if he is obliged to misrepresent the facts. We might, from the general tone of the fragment which Eusebius has preserved, imagine this to be so: the present passage proves it. We know, indeed, that the Montanists had many martyrs and that their principles were such as to lead them to martyrdom, even when the Catholics avoided it (cf. Tertullian's De fuga in persecutione).

[1591] Whether this story is an invention of our author's, or whether it was already in circulation, as he says, we cannot tell. Its utter worthlessness needs no demonstration. Even our anonymous author does not venture to call it certain.

[1592] epitropos: a steward, or administrator of funds. The existence of such an officer shows that the Montanists formed a compact organization at an early date, and that much stress was laid upon it (cf. chap. 18, 2). According to Jerome (Ep. ad Marcellam Migne, Ep. 41. 3) the Montanists at Pepuza had three classes of officers: first, Patriarchs second, Cenonæ third, Bishops (Habent enim primos de Pepusa Phrygiæ Patriarchas: secundos, quos appellant Cenonas: atque ita in tertium, id est, pene ultimum locum Episcopi devolvuntur). The peculiar word Cenonas occurs nowhere else, so far as I am aware, but its meaning is plain enough. Whether it is merely a reproduction of the Greek oikonomoi ("administrators"), or whether it is a Latin word connected with coena, in either case the officers designated by it were economic officers, and thus performed the same class of duties as this epitropos, Theodotus. The reliability of Jerome's report is confirmed by its agreement in this point with the account of the Anonymous. Of Theodotus himself (to be distinguished, of course, from the two Theodoti mentioned in chap. 28) we know only what is told us in this chapter and in chap. 3, above. It is plain that he was a prominent man among the early Montanists.

[1593] The reference here seems to be to a death like that recorded by a common tradition of Simon Magus, who by the help of demons undertook to fly up to heaven, but when in mid air fell and was killed. Whether the report in regard to Theodotus was in any way connected with the tradition of Simon's death we cannot tell, though our author can hardly have thought of it, or he would certainly have likened Theodotus' fate to that of the arch-heretic Simon, as he likened the fate of Montanus and Maximilla to that of Judas. Whatever the exact form of death referred to, there is of course no more confidence to be placed in this report than in the preceding one.

[1594] Of this Asterius Urbanus we know only what we can gather from this reference to him. Valesius, Tillemont, and others supposed that the words en to auto logo to kata 'Asterion Ourbanon were a scholium written on the margin of his copy by Eusebius himself or some ancient commentator to indicate the authorship of the anonymous work from which the fragments in this chapter are taken (and so in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VII., these fragments are given as from the work of Asterius Urbanus). But Eusebius himself evidently did not know the author, and it is at any rate much easier to suppose the words a part of the text, and the work of Asterius a work which our anonymous author has been discussing and from which he quotes the words of Maximilla, just below. Accepting this most natural interpretation of the words, we learn that Asterius Urbanus was a Montanist who had written a work in defense of that sect.

[1596] Of this Bishop Zoticus we know only what is told us here and in chap. 18, 13. On the proposed identification of Zoticus and Sotas, bishop of Anchialus, see chap. 19, note 10. Comana (Kom?nes, according to most of the mss. and editors Koum?nes, according to a few of the mss. followed by Laemmer and Heinichen) was a village of Pamphylia, and is to be distinguished from Comana in Pontus and from Comana in Cappadocia (Armenia), both of which were populous and important cities.

[1597] Of this Julian we know nothing more. His city was Apamea Cibotus or Ciboti, which, according to Wiltsch, was a small town on Mount Signia in Pisidia, to be distinguished from the important Phrygian Apamea Cibotus on the Mæander. Whether Wiltsch has good grounds for this distinction I am unable to say. It would certainly seem natural to think in the present case of Apamea on the Mæander, inasmuch as it is spoken of without any qualifying phrase, as if there could be no doubt about its identity.

[1598] Themiso is mentioned again in chap. 18 as a confessor, and as the author of a catholic epistle. It is plain that he was a prominent man among the Montanists in the time of our anonymous author, that is, after the death of Montanus himself and it is quite likely that he was, as Salmon suggests, the head of the sect.

[1599] This gives us a clear indication of the date of the composition of this anonymous work. The thirteen years must fall either before the wars which began in the reign of Septimius Severus, or after their completion. The earliest possible date in the latter case is 232, and this is certainly much too late for the composition of this work, which speaks of Montanism more than once as a recent thing, and which it seems clear from other indications belongs rather to the earlier period of the movement. If we put its composition before those wars, we cannot place it later than 192, the close of the reign of Commodus. This would push the date of Maximilla's death back to 179, which though it seems rather early, is not at all impossible. The period from about 179 to 192 might very well be called a time of peace by the Christians for no serious wars occurred during that interval, and we know that the Christians were left comparatively undisturbed throughout the reign of Commodus.

[1600] Our author tacitly admits in this paragraph, what he has denied in 12, above, that the Montanists had martyrs among their number and having admitted it, he endeavors to explain away its force. In the previous paragraph he had claimed that the lack of martyrs among them proved that they were heretics here he claims that the existence of such martyrs does not in any way argue for their orthodoxy. The inconsistency is glaringly apparent (cf. the remarks made in note 23, above).

[1601] This shows the bitterness of the hostility of the Catholics toward the Montanists. That even when suffering together for the one Lord they could not recognize these brethren seems very sad, and it is not to be wondered at that the Montanists felt themselves badly used, and looked upon the Catholics as "slayers of the prophets," &c. More uncompromising enmity than this we can hardly imagine. That the Catholics, however, were sincere in their treatment of the Montanists, we cannot doubt. It is clear that they firmly believed that association with them meant association with the devil, and hence the deeper their devotion to Christ, the deeper must be their abhorrence of these instruments of Satan. Compare, for instance, Polycarp's words to Marcion, quoted in Bk. IV. chap. 14, above. The attitude of these Catholic martyrs is but of a piece with that of nearly all the orthodox Fathers toward heresy. It only shows itself here in its extremest form.

[1602] Apamea Cibotus in Eastern Phrygia, a large and important commercial center. Of the two martyrs, Gaius and Alexander, we know only what is told us here. They were apparently both of them from Eumenia, a Phrygian town lying a short distance north of Apamea. We have no means of fixing the date of the martyrdoms referred to here, but it seems natural to assign them to the reign of Marcus Aurelius, after Montanism had become somewhat widespread, and when martyrdoms were a common thing both in the East and West. Thraseas, bishop of Eumenia, is referred to as a martyr by Polycrates in chap. 24, but he can hardly have suffered with the ones referred to here, or his name would have been mentioned instead of the more obscure names of Gaius and Alexander.


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